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Before he withdrew, the king, who retained his high opinion of his political wisdom, consulted him on the constitution of the new Cabinet. Walpole recommended that the post of First Lord of the Treasury, including the Premiership, should be offered to Pulteney, as the man of the most undoubted talent. If he should refuse it, then that it should be given to Lord Wilmington, who, though by no means capable of directing affairs by his own energy, was of a disposition which might allow them to be conducted by the joint counsel of his abler colleagues. The king consented that the Premiership should be offered to Pulteney, though he hated the man, but only on this condition, that he pledged himself to resist any prosecution of the ex-Minister. Pulteney declined the overture on such a condition, for though he said he had no desire to punish Walpole, he might not be able to defend him from the attacks of his colleagues, for, he observed, "the heads of parties, like those of snakes, are carried on by their tails." The king then sent Newcastle to Pulteney, and it was agreed to allow Wilmington to take the post of First Lord of the Treasury. Carteret thought that this office was more due to him, but Pulteney declared that if Wilmington were not permitted to take the Premiership he would occupy it himself, and Carteret gave way, accepting the place of Secretary of State, with the promise that he should manage in reality the foreign affairs. In[80] all these arrangements the king still took the advice of Walpole, and Newcastle was instructed to again endeavour to draw from Pulteney a promise that he would at least keep himself clear of any prosecution of the late Minister. Pulteney evaded the question by saying that he was not a bloody or revengeful man; that he had always aimed at the destruction of the power of Walpole, and not of his person, but that he still thought he ought not to escape without some censure, and could not engage himself without his party.

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Louis Philippe, King of the French, had been the subject of constant eulogy for the consummate ability and exquisite tact with which he had governed France for seventeen years. It was supposed that the "Citizen King" had at length taught his restless and impulsive subjects the blessings of constitutional government, and that they were perfectly contented with the free institutions under which it was now their happiness to live. Guizot, regarded as one of the greatest statesmen on the Continent, was at the head of affairs in 1847, and it was hoped that his profound wisdom and keen sagacity would enable him to guard the state against any dangers with which it might be threatened by the Legitimists on one side or the Democrats on the other. But the whole aspect of public affairs in France was deceptive, and the unconscious monarch occupied a throne which rested on a volcano. The representative government of which he boasted was nothing but a shama gross fraud upon the nation. The basis of the electoral constituency was extremely narrow, and majorities were secured in the Chambers by the gross abuse of enormous government patronage. The people, however, saw through the delusion, and were indignant at the artifices by which they were deceived. The king, who interfered with his Ministers in everything, and really directed the Government, was proud of his skill in "managing" his Ministry, his Parliament, and the nation. But the conviction gained ground everywhere, and with it arose a feeling of deep resentment, that he had broken faith with the nation, that he had utterly failed to fulfil his pledges to the people, who had erected the barricades, and placed him upon the throne in 1830. The friends of the monarchy were convinced that it could only be saved by speedy and effectual reform. But the very name of Reform was hateful to the king, and his aide-de-camp took care to make known to the members of the Chambers his opinions and feelings upon the subject. M. Odillon Barrot, however, originated a series of Reform banquets, which commenced in Paris, and were held in the principal provincial cities, at which the most eminent men in the country delivered strong speeches against political corruption and corrupters, and especially against the Minister who was regarded as their chief defenderGuizot.Notwithstanding these apprehensions, the reception actually given to Lord Anglesey was not at all so disgraceful to the country as he was led to anticipate. Mr. O'Connell kept out of the way; but a numerous assemblage of the most respectable citizens greeted his arrival at Kingstown, and escorted him to Dublin Castle, Lord Cloncurry and Lord Howth riding at the head of the procession. The populace confined the expression of their feeling to a few groans for "Dirty Doherty," whose promotion to the chief seat of the Court of Common Pleas was the alleged offence of Lord Anglesey. He was scarcely a week in Ireland, however, when O'Connell opened the Repeal campaign. A meeting of the trades of Dublin had been arranged for the 27th of December, to march in procession from Phibsborough to his residence in Merrion Square, to present him with an address of thanks for his advocacy of a domestic legislature. Sworn informations having been laid before the Lord-Lieutenant to the effect that serious disturbances were apprehended from this procession, he issued a proclamation on Christmas Day, forbidding it under the Act for the suppression of dangerous associations or assemblies. Mr. O'Connell therefore issued a notice, counter-manding the meeting. On the 4th of January Mr. O'Connell sent a deputation to Lord Cloncurry, to ask him to preside over a Repeal meeting, which he declined. "Those who knew Mr. O'Connell," writes his lordship, "who recollect what a creature of impulse he was, how impatiently he bore with any difference from his opinions, and what a storm was the first burst of his wrath, will not wonder at what followed. Three very long letters were immediately issued, especially devoted to the business of vituperating me, but with ample digressions maledictory of Lord Anglesey." In a few days, he adds, the fever was brought to a crisis by the arrest of Mr. O'Connell and his agitation staff, "after a brisk pursuit through a labyrinth of ingenious devices, whereby he sought to evade the law, in the course of which it was found necessary to discharge five or six proclamations against him. To-day, Mr. O'Connell's audience and claqueurs were termed 'The Society of the Friends of Ireland of all Religious Persuasions.' To-morrow they were 'The General Association of Ireland for the Prevention of Unlawful Meetings,' and for the protection and exercise of the sacred right of petitioning for the redress of grievances. Then, again, they were a nameless body of persons, in the habit of meeting weekly at a place called Home's Hotel; and as the hunt continued, they successively escaped from each daily proclamation under the changing appellations of 'The Irish Society for Legal and Legislative Relief'; or 'The Anti-union Association'; 'The Association of Irish Volunteers for the Repeal of the union'; 'The Subscribers to the Parliamentary Intelligence Office, Stephen Street'; until they were fairly run down at a breakfast party at Hayes Hotel."<024>
ONE:Such were the conditions on which this great contest was finally terminated. The Americans clearly had matters almost entirely their own way, for the English were desirous that everything should now be done to conciliate their very positive and by no means modest kinsmen, the citizens of the United States. It was, in truth, desirable to remove as much as possible the rancour of the American mind, by concessions which England could well afford, so as not to throw them wholly into the arms of France. The conditions which the Americans, on their part, conceded to the unfortunate Royalists consisted entirely of recommendations from Congress to the individual States, and when it was recollected how little regard they had paid to any engagements into which they had entered during the warwith General Burgoyne, for examplethe English negotiators felt, as they consented to these articles, that, so far, they would prove a mere dead letter. They could only console themselves with the thought that they would have protected the unhappy Royalists, whom Franklin and his colleagues bitterly and vindictively continued to designate as traitors. Franklin showed, on this occasion, that he had never forgotten the just chastisement which Wedderburn had inflicted on him before the Privy Council for his concern in the purloining of the private papers of Mr. Thomas Whateley, in 1774. On that occasion, he laid aside the velvet court suit, in which he appeared before the Council, and never put it on till now, when he appeared in it at the signing of the Treaty of Independence.But, scarcely had Howe posted himself at Wilmington, when Washington re-crossed the Schuylkill and marched on the British left, hoping to imitate the movement of Cornwallis at the Brandywine which had been so effectual. Howe, aware of the strategy, however, reversed[239] his front, and the Americans were taken by surprise. In this case, Howe himself ought to have fallen on the Americans, but a storm is said to have prevented it, and Washington immediately fell back to Warwick Furnace, on the south bank of French creek. From that point he dispatched General Wayne to cross a rough country and occupy a wood on the British left. Here, having fifteen hundred men himself, he was to form a junction with two thousand Maryland militia, and with this force harass the British rear. But information of this movement was given to Howe, who, on the 20th of September, sent Major-General Greig to expel Wayne from his concealment. Greig gave orders that not a gun should be fired, but that the bayonet alone should be used, and then, stealing unperceived on Wayne, his men made a terrible rush with fixed bayonets, threw the whole body into consternation, and made a dreadful slaughter. Three hundred Americans were killed and wounded, about a hundred were taken prisoners, and the rest fled, leaving their baggage behind them. The British only lost seven men.

Guiding our corporate vision for success

HKBN is steered by a Board of Directors that intermingles a range of expert abilities for visionary thinking. Our board consists of eight Directors, comprising two Executive Directors, three Non-executive Directors and three Independent Non-executive Directors.

Bradley Jay HORWITZ
Bradley Jay HORWITZ
Chairman and Independent Non-executive Director

Bradley Jay HORWITZ was appointed as the Chairman and an Independent Non-executive Director of the Company on 6 February 2015. In 2005, Mr. Horwitz founded Trilogy International Partners and has served as president and chief executive officer since it was established.

Bradley Jay HORWITZ was appointed as the Chairman and an Independent Non-executive Director of the Company on 6 February 2015. In 2005, Mr. Horwitz founded Trilogy International Partners and has served as President and Chief Executive Officer since it was established. Trilogy International Partners was established to acquire wireless international assets in Haiti and Bolivia and to develop additional international wireless assets, primarily in South America and the Caribbean. Prior to establishing Trilogy International Partners, Mr. Horwitz served as President of Western Wireless International, having founded the company in 1995 while also serving as an Executive Vice President of Western Wireless Corporation. Previously, he was a founder and Chief Operating Officer of SmarTone Mobile Communications Limited. Mr. Horwitz graduated from San Diego State University, U.S. with a Bachelor of Science Degree in 1978.

William YEUNG
Chu Kwong YEUNG (William YEUNG)
Executive Director

Chu Kwong YEUNG is the Executive Vice-chairman of the Group and an Executive Director of the company. Mr. Yeung joined the Group in October 2005 as Chief Operating Officer and became Executive Vice-chairman in September 2018.

Chu Kwong YEUNG is the Executive Vice-chairman of the Group and an Executive Director of the company. Mr. Yeung joined the Group in October 2005 as Chief Operating Officer, responsible for overseeing customer engagement, relationship management and network development. In November 2008, he was appointed as Chief Executive Officer and became Executive Vice-chairman in September 2018. Prior to joining the Group, Mr. Yeung was Director of Customers Division at SmarTone Mobile Communications Limited, and served as a police inspector with the Hong Kong Police Force. Mr. Yeung holds a Bachelor of Arts Degree from Hong Kong Baptist University, a Master of Business Administration Degree from the University of Strathclyde, U.K., and a Master of Science Degree in Electronic Commerce and Internet Computing from The University of Hong Kong. Mr. Yeung was recognised as Champion of Human Resources by The Hong Kong HRM Awards 2010. Mr. Yeung is one of our proud Co-Owners.

Ni Quiaque LAI (NiQ LAI)
Ni Quiaque LAI (NiQ LAI)
Executive Director

Ni Quiaque LAI (NiQ LAI) is the Chief Executive Officer of the Group, and an Executive Director of the company. Mr. Lai joined the Group in May 2004. He has rich experience in the telecommunications, research and finance industries, and is passionate about developing HKBN Talents because he believes if you get the people right, the company will do great. Prior to joining the Group, Mr. Lai was an analyst and the Director and Head of Asia Telecom Research for Credit Suisse, where he was involved in numerous global fund raising initiatives for Asian telecom carriers.

Ni Quiaque LAI (NiQ LAI) is the Chief Executive Officer of the Group, and an Executive Director of the company. Mr. Lai joined the Group in May 2004. He has rich experience in the telecommunications, research and finance industries, and is passionate about developing HKBN Talents because he believes if you get the people right, the company will do great. Prior to joining the Group, Mr. Lai was an analyst and the Director and Head of Asia Telecom Research for Credit Suisse, where he was involved in numerous global fund raising initiatives for Asian telecom carriers. Mr. Lai holds a Bachelor of Commerce Degree from the University of Western Australia, and an Executive Master of Business Administration Degree from Kellogg-HKUST, Hong Kong. He is a Fellow member of the Hong Kong Institute of Certified Public Accountants (HKICPA) and CPA Australia. In March 2016, he was recognised as Best CFO by FinanceAsia Survey of Asia's Best Companies 2016 (Hong Kong). Mr. Lai is one of our proud Co-Owners.

Deborah Keiko ORIDA
Deborah Keiko ORIDA
Non-executive Director

Deborah Keiko ORIDA was appointed as a Non-executive Director and a member of the Nomination Committee of the Company on 20 November 2015. Ms. Orida is the Senior Managing Director & Global Head of Active Equities at Canada Pension Plan Investment Board (“CPPIB”), a substantial shareholder (as defined in Part XV of the Securities and Futures Ordinance) of the Company.

Deborah Keiko ORIDA was appointed as a Non-executive Director and a member of the Nomination Committee of the Company on 20 November 2015. Ms. Orida is the Senior Managing Director & Global Head of Active Equities at Canada Pension Plan Investment Board (“CPPIB”), a substantial shareholder (as defined in Part XV of the Securities and Futures Ordinance) of the Company. Ms. Orida joined CPPIB in 2009 in Toronto and has held senior leadership roles, including Managing Director, Head of Relationship Investments International, covering Europe and Asia, and was most recently Managing Director and Head of Private Equity Asia. Ms. Orida is responsible for leading Active Fundamental Equities, Relationship Investments, Thematic Investing, Fundamental Equities Asia and Sustainable Investing. Prior to joining CPPIB, Ms. Orida was an investment banker at Goldman Sachs & Co. in New York and Toronto where she advised management teams and boards on mergers and acquisitions and financing transactions. Prior to Goldman Sachs & Co., Ms. Orida was a securities lawyer at Blake, Cassels & Graydon in Toronto. Ms. Orida previously served on the Board of Directors of Nord Anglia Education and the Board of Directors of the Investment Committee of the Bridgepoint Health Foundation and was the Chair of the Board of Directors of Vitalhub Corp., a mobile healthcare startup company. Ms. Orida holds a Master of Business Administration from The Wharton School and a Bachelor of Laws and a Bachelor of Arts from Queen’s University, Canada.

Zubin Jamshed IRANI
Zubin Jamshed IRANI
Non-executive Director

Zubin Jamshed IRANI was appointed as a Non-executive Director, a member of the Audit Committee and a member of Remuneration Committee of the Company on 30 April 2019. Mr. Irani is a Partner with TPG Capital and leads the Asia Operations Group. He brings over 20 years' experience in building strong teams, driving performance and managing change within businesses.

Zubin Jamshed IRANI was appointed as a Non-executive Director, a member of the Audit Committee and a member of Remuneration Committee of the Company on 30 April 2019. Mr. Irani is a Partner with TPG Capital and leads the Asia Operations Group. He brings over 20 years' experience in building strong teams, driving performance and managing change within businesses. At TPG Capital, Mr. Irani has worked in the consumer, healthcare, financial services, telecom and technology sectors. Prior to TPG Capital, Mr. Irani was with United Technologies Corporation ("UTC") where he led the business in India which included Carrier Air-conditioning and Refrigeration, Otis Elevators and UTC Fire & Security. Mr. Irani started his career at McKinsey & Company and worked in the Cleveland, Detroit, Copenhagen and Mumbai offices, serving several multi-national clients with a focus on automotive, industrial and post merger management. Mr. Irani holds a Masters in Materials Science and Engineering from Massachusetts Institute of Technology, U.S. and a Bachelor of Technology in Materials Engineering from Indian Institute of Technology Kanpur, India.

Teck Chien KONG
Teck Chien KONG
Non-executive Director

Teck Chien KONG was appointed as a Non-executive Director and a member of the Nomination Committee of the Company on 30 April 2019. Mr. Kong is a Partner at MBK Partners and is based in Hong Kong. With extensive investment experiences in both the telecommunication and media industries, he has led MBK Partners’ investments in WTT Holding Corp, China Network Systems Co., Ltd. and Gala TV Corp.

Teck Chien KONG was appointed as a Non-executive Director and a member of the Nomination Committee of the Company on 30 April 2019. Mr. Kong is a Partner at MBK Partners and is based in Hong Kong. With extensive investment experiences in both the telecommunication and media industries, he has led MBK Partners’ investments in WTT Holding Corp, China Network Systems Co., Ltd. and Gala TV Corp. Prior to MBK Partners, Mr. Kong spent five years at Carlyle Asia Partners, where he was Vice President and co-head of the Singapore office, and three years in the investment banking division at Salomon Smith Barney in New York and Hong Kong. Mr. Kong currently serves on the Board of Directors of Apex International Corporation, Teamsport Topco Limited and Siyanli Co. Ltd., and has experience serving on Board of Directors of Beijing Bowei Airport Support Limited, China Network Systems Co., Ltd., Gala TV Corp., GSE Investment Corporation, Luye Pharma Group Ltd and WTT HK Limited. Mr. Kong holds a Bachelor of Business Administration from the University of Michigan Business School, U.S., and has completed an executive management programme at Harvard Business School, U.S..

Stanley CHOW
Stanley CHOW
Independent Non-executive Director

Stanley CHOW was appointed as an Independent Non-executive Director of the Company on 6 February 2015. Mr. Chow has over 21 years of experience as a corporate lawyer in Hong Kong and Canada, including more than 18 years of expertise in dealing with the Stock Exchange's Listing Rules during his time in private practice and as a senior manager at the Stock Exchange's Listing Division.

Stanley CHOW was appointed as an Independent Non-executive Director of the Company on 6 February 2015. Mr. Chow has over 21 years of experience as a corporate lawyer in Hong Kong and Canada, including more than 18 years of expertise in dealing with the Stock Exchange's Listing Rules during his time in private practice and as a senior manager at the Stock Exchange's Listing Division. Mr. Chow was a partner in the Hong Kong office of Latham & Watkins, an international law firm, from March 2009 to February 2014. Prior to joining Latham & Watkins, Mr. Chow practised law with Allen & Overy, from November 1996 to January 2009 where he was a partner in its Hong Kong office for over 8 years. As a corporate lawyer in Hong Kong, Mr. Chow has advised on a broad range of corporate finance and mergers and acquisitions transactions. Prior to his time in private practice, he was a senior manager in the Stock Exchange's Listing Division from May 1995 to October 1996 and also practised law with Canadian law firms in Hong Kong and Canada. Mr. Chow is a member of The Law Society of Hong Kong's Company Law Committee and was admitted as a solicitor in Hong Kong in 1995 and in England and Wales in 1994. He was also admitted as a barrister and solicitor in British Columbia, Canada in 1994 and in Ontario, Canada in 1991. Mr. Chow graduated from Queen's University, Canada with a Bachelor of Commerce (Honours) Degree and holds a Juris Doctor from the University of Toronto, Canada.

Quinn Yee Kwan LAW
Quinn Yee Kwan LAW, SBS, JP
Independent Non-executive Director

Quinn Yee Kwan LAW, SBS, JP, was appointed as an Independent Non-executive Director of the Company on 6 February 2015. Mr. Law currently serves as the Deputy Chairman of Professional Conduct Committee of the Hong Kong Institute of Certified Public Accountants, and is an advisor of the Hong Kong Business Accountants Association.

Quinn Yee Kwan LAW, SBS, JP, was appointed as an Independent Non-executive Director of the Company on 6 February 2015. Mr. Law currently serves as the Deputy Chairman of Professional Conduct Committee of the Hong Kong Institute of Certified Public Accountants, and is an advisor of the Hong Kong Business Accountants Association which he was previously the Director and the Vice President of such Association. Mr. Law is currently an Independent Nonexecutive Director of Bank of Tianjin Co., Ltd. (stock code:1578) and ENN Energy Holdings Limited (stock code: 2688), both of which are listed on the Main Board of the Stock Exchange. From 1 August 2012 to 31 July 2018, Mr. Law was a council member cum Audit Committee Chairman at the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. From 1 March 2008 to 28 February 2013, Mr. Law was the Deputy Chairman and the Managing Director of the Urban Renewal Authority, a statutory organisation in Hong Kong. Mr. Law is a Fellow of the Hong Kong Institute of Certified Public Accountants and is also a Fellow of the Association of Chartered Certified Accountants. He was admitted as an Associate of the Institute of Chartered Secretaries and Administrators on 11 November 1980. In view of Mr. Law’s experience in reviewing or analysing audited financial statements of private and public companies, the Directors believe that Mr. Law has the appropriate accounting or related financial management expertise for the purposes of Rule 3.10 of the Listing Rules.

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In the following Session Fox introduced a Bill to grant some further privileges to the Catholics, but it was rejected; but in 1793 the Catholics of Scotland were admitted, by an Act introduced by Mr. Robert Dundas, the Lord Advocate, to the same privileges as the Irish and English Catholics. The question appeared to rest till 1799, when there seems to have been a proposition on the part of the English Government to make an independent provision for the Catholic clergy of Ireland, on condition that they, on their part, should enter into certain engagements. There was a meeting of Roman Catholic prelates in Dublin at the commencement of that year on the subject, at which they agreed to accept the proposal. Pitt was favourable to the Catholic claims, though the Irish Parliament previous to the union would not hear of them. He had caused promises of Catholic Emancipation to be circulated in Ireland in order to induce the Irish to accept the union; and when he found that the king's immovable resistance to this measure would not allow him to make good his word, he resigned office. Nothing was done in it during the time that he continued out, chiefly, it is said, through his influence; and when he returned to office in May, 1804, he did so without any mention of the Catholics. In truth, he appears to have given them up for the sake of enjoying power again; for, when, on the 9th of March, 1805, the question was raised by Lord Grenville in the House of Peers, and, on the 13th, by Fox in the Commons, Pitt opposed the motion on the ground that the reasons which had occasioned him to quit office still operated against this measure, and that it was impossible for him to support it. It was negatived by three hundred and thirty-six against one hundred and twenty-four.The arrival of the news of Lord North's repeal of all the duties, except tea, produced little effect on the minds of the people of Boston. They declared that the unconstitutional principle was the real offence, and that it was still retained. The people of New York, however, had long inclined to gentler measures. They agreed to import all other articles except tea. Pennsylvania and other colonies followed their example; and they declared that they who wanted tea must smuggle it. The more fiery patriots declared against this lukewarmness; but the desire for the English goods was so great that, during the years 1770 and 1771, the importations were larger than they had ever been. Nevertheless, though the colonies appeared returning to order and obedience, the efforts of the Republican party never relaxed, and, especially in Massachusetts, there was a tone of sullen discontent. "Liberty poles" were still erected; exciting harangues were delivered on the anniversary of "the massacre," and the Assembly continued to manifest a stubborn resistance to the will of the Lieutenant-Governor.But in February the long-expected armament from France arrived on the Coromandel coast. Suffren, the admiral, was one of the ablest sea-commanders of France. On his way he had secured the Cape of Good Hope against the English, and he now landed at Porto Novo two thousand French soldiers to join the army of Hyder Ali. Tippoo, flushed with the recent capture of Colonel Braithwaite, invited the French to join him in an attack on Cuddalore, an important town between Porto Novo and Pondicherry. This was done, and Cuddalore was wrested from the English in April. Whilst these events were taking place on land, repeated engagements occurred with the British fleets on the coasts. That of Admiral Hughes was reinforced by fresh ships from England, and between February, 1782, and June, 1783, the British and French fleets fought five pitched battles with varied success. In none of these was any man-of-war captured by either side, nor any great number of men lost; but, eventually, Suffren succeeded in retaking Trincomalee, in Ceylon, from the British.The party which, under the guidance of Mr. Disraeli, Lord Stanley, and Lord George Bentinck, was destined to present so formidable an opposition to the Minister's policy, and to render his labours in the interests of the people so full of pain and anxiety, as yet only marked its existence by murmurs along the Conservative benches. As usual, the somewhat revived prosperity of the country was the chief pretext for resisting change. People with this view did not see the danger of opposing reforms until a sudden storm compelled the Legislature to face them with mischievous haste. It had again and again been shown that the evils of the old system of restrictions lay chiefly in the fact that they led to violent fluctuations in the circumstances of the people. Nothing, therefore, could be more certain than that, even had the prosperity been tenfold greater, one of those alternations of depression which brought so much misery to the people would not be long in making its appearance. The monopolist party, however, seldom looked beyond the day or the hour. There had been rick-burning in the country, and an agricultural labourer, named Joseph Lankester, had declared that his object in committing this crime was to raise the price of wheat, and so bring about those high wages which the political farmers and landlords were always saying came from good prices in the corn market. The Protectionist lords declared, nevertheless, that the Anti-Corn-Law League, with their mischievous agitation, their models of the big and the little loaf, their lectures and meetings, their music and banners, their poisonous tracts and pamphlets, were at the bottom of these disturbances. In the towns, however, political agitation was comparatively silent. To some agriculturists it appeared a fair compromise to maintain the protective laws in consideration of their being content to put up with the low prices of the day. Any way, the dreaded League seemed to them to be checked.During the summer, meetings of a similar character were held at Cork, Longford, Drogheda, Kilkenny, Mallow, Dundalk, Baltinglass, Tara, and other places. At Tara, in the county Meath, on the 15th of August, an immense multitude was assembled250,000, at the lowest estimate, but represented by the Repeal journals as four times that number. The place was selected because of its association with the old nationality of the country, where its ancient kings were elected and crowned. O'Connell's speech on this occasion was defiant in tone, and in the highest degree inflammatory. Referring to a speech of the Duke of Wellington, he said, "The Duke of Wellington is now talking of attacking us, and I am glad of it. The Queen's army is the bravest army in the world, but I feel it to be a fact that Ireland, roused as she is at the present moment, would, if they made war upon us, furnish women enough to beat the whole of the Queen's forces." The Lord Chancellor Sugden having recently deprived of the commission of the peace all magistrates who were members of the Repeal Association, Mr. O'Connell announced that the dismissed magistrates would be appointed by the Repeal Association as arbitrators to settle all disputes among the people, who were not again to go to the petty sessions. He pronounced the union to be null, to be obeyed as an injustice supported by law, until they had the royal authority to set the matter right and substitute their own Parliament. In his speech after dinner to a more select audience, he said that the statesman was a driveller who did not recollect the might that slumbers in a peasant's arm, and who expected that 700,000 such men would endure oppression for ever. An outbreak would surely come, though not in his time, and then the Government and gentry would weep, in tears of blood, their want of consideration and kindness to the country whose people could reward them amply by the devotion of their hearts and the vigour of their arms. What were the gentry afraid of? It could not be of the people, for they were under the strictest discipline. No army was ever more submissive to its general than the[527] people of Ireland were to the wishes of a single individual.[See larger version]

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